Tag Archives: young

Wondering what boosted Trump in Wisconsin? A look at the exit polls

Donald Trump prevailed in Wisconsin on Nov. 8 by rolling up overwhelming support from white men and political independents, while making inroads among groups that were vital for Hillary Clinton.

Here’s a look at preliminary results from exit polling conducted in Wisconsin for The Associated Press and television networks by Edison Research.

 

RACE AND GENDER

Trump took about six in 10 votes among white men, while battling Clinton to a draw among white women.

Women overall favored Clinton, but more than four in 10 went with Trump.

About nine in 10 women and six in 10 Hispanics supported Clinton.

 

GENERATION GAP

Clinton won among voters ages 18-44 while Trump carried the 45-and-older group, which made up about 60 percent of the overall electorate.

Voters in the youngest subgroup — ages 18-24 — were evenly divided.

Clinton was strongest among ages 30-39, while Trump did best among ages 50-64.

 

ECONOMIC PESSIMISM

More than half of Wisconsin voters rated the economy as the top issue facing the nation, while smaller groups picked terrorism, foreign policy or immigration.

Trump did well among the six in 10 voters who described the economy as poor or “not good.”

He also carried a majority of the four in 10 who predicted things would go downhill for the next generation.

 

A MATTER OF CHARACTER

Nearly two-thirds of voters — and about one-quarter of his own supporters — said Trump was unqualified.

Most also said he lacked the needed temperament.

Clinton scored better in both areas.

But voters gave both candidates negative ratings and said they were dishonest.

 

INCOME AND EDUCATION

Education levels produced another stark contrast.

A majority of voters had no college degree and nearly six in 10 of them favored Trump.

Clinton won among college graduates, but they made up a smaller share of the total.

Voters in most income groups were about evenly divided.

But Trump prevailed among the one-third of voters in the $50,000-$100,000 bracket.

 

PARTY AND PHILOSOPHY

Roughly the same number of voters described themselves as Republicans or Democrats and about nine in 10 of those supported their nominee.

But Trump won easily among the three in 10 independents.

Moderates and liberals backed Clinton, while Trump carried more than eight in 10 conservatives.

 

RELIGION AND MARRIAGE

Trump won comfortably among the nearly three in 10 voters who attend religious services weekly or more often, while Clinton did well with the one-quarter who never attend.

About three-quarters of white evangelicals favored Trump.

Married men favored Trump by nearly two-to-one, while married women and unmarried men were about evenly divided.

Unmarried women favored Clinton.

 

RACE AND IMMIGRATION

About four in 10 Wisconsin voters said whites generally are favored in the United States, while one-quarter said minorities are favored and one-third said no group gets special treatment.

Nearly six in 10 said immigrants help the U.S., while about one-third said they hurt.

About seven in 10 said immigrants working illegally in the U.S. should be offered a chance to apply for legal status, while one-quarter said they should be deported.

 

HEALTH AND TRADE

Nearly half of the state’s voters said the 2010 health care law known as “Obamacare” had gone too far, while three in 10 said it hadn’t gone far enough.

About half said trade with other nations takes away American jobs, while about one-third said it creates jobs and about one in 10 said it makes no difference.

 

WHAT MATTERS MOST

About four in 10 Wisconsin voters said the most important quality for the next president was to bring about needed change, instead of having experience or good judgment.

More than eight in 10 of them backed Trump.

 

WHAT ABOUT OBAMA?

A slight majority voiced approval of Barack Obama’s job performance, but more than half said the next president should pursue more conservative policies.

Nearly three-quarters of voters gave the federal government a negative rating. They overwhelmingly backed Trump.

 

The survey of 3,047 Wisconsin voters was conducted for AP and the television networks by Edison Research. This includes preliminary results from interviews conducted as voters left a random sample of 50 precincts statewide Tuesday, as well as 358 who voted early or absentee and were interviewed by landline or cellular telephone from Oct. 28 through Nov. 6. Results for the full sample were subject to sampling error of plus or minus 3 percentage points; it is higher for subgroups.

Divided America: Diverse millennials are no voting monolith

The oldest millennials — nearing 20 when airplanes slammed into New York City’s Twin Towers — are old enough to remember the relative economic prosperity of the 1990s and when a different Clinton was running for president.

The nation’s youngest adults — now nearing 20 — find it hard to recall a reality without terrorism and economic worry.

Now millennials have edged out baby boomers as the largest living generation in U.S. history, and more than 75 million of them have come of age.

How they vote on Nov. 8 will shape the political landscape for years to come.

Yet with less than two months to go before Election Day, the values of young Americans whose coming-of-age was bookended by the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks and the Great Recession are emerging as an unpredictable grab bag of fiscal conservatism and social liberalism.

What they share is a palpable sense of disillusionment.

As part of its Divided America series, The Associated Press spent time with seven millennial voters in five states where the oldest and largest swath of this generation — ages 18 to 35, as defined by the Pew Research Center — could have an outsized influence in November.

They are a uniquely American mosaic, from a black teen in Nevada voting for the first time to a Florida-born son of Latino immigrants to a white Christian couple in Ohio.

Taken individually, these voters illustrate how millennials are challenging pollsters’ expectations based on race, class and background in surprising ways, reacting to what they see as the loss of the American Dream. They are intent on shaping something new and important that reflects their reality — on their own terms.

“Millennials have been described as apathetic, but they’re absolutely not. I think you can see from this election year that they’re not, and that millennials have a very nuanced understanding of the political world,” said Diana Downard, a 26-year-old Bernie Sanders supporter who will vote for Hillary Clinton. “So yeah, I’m proud to be a millennial.”

Just 5 percent of young adults say that America is “greater than it has ever been,” while 52 percent feel the nation is “falling behind” and 24 percent believe the U.S. is “failing,” according to a GenForward poll released this summer.

The first-of-its kind survey of young people between the ages of 18 and 30 was conducted by the Black Youth Project at the University of Chicago with the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research.

Fifty-four percent believe only a few people at the top can get ahead in today’s America and 74 percent say income and wealth distribution are uneven, according to the poll.

Brianna Lawrence, a 21-year-old videographer and eyelash artist from Durham, North Carolina, identifies with those numbers.

She was just 7 on Sept. 11 and the immediate aftermath of the terrorist attacks is the only time she can remember the nation feeling united, even if only by grief. With $40,000 in student debt, she’s working hard to establish her own cosmetic business after graduating from North Carolina Central University. She plans to vote for Hillary Clinton, but feels America has lost its way.

“My biggest hope for this country is for us to come back together as a community. As a United States of America, to unite together again,” she said.

But millennials know that getting to that place won’t be easy. Many, like Lawrence, are saddled with college debt and have struggled to find jobs.

In Denver, 1,600 miles to the west, Downard also has almost $40,000 in student debt that’s already changed her path. A dual U.S. and Mexican citizen, she feels she can’t afford to work for an overseas organization — one of her dreams — and plans to delay having a family at least 10 years.

“We went to college in pursuit of a better life and really, now, we’re kind of just paralyzed by our student debt,” said Downard, who works for a nonpartisan organization that works to improve youth voter registration. “You can’t even think about those sorts of alternative options.”

In part because of these economic pressures, a 2014 Pew Research Center poll found that — for the first time in more than 130 years — adults ages 18 to 34 were slightly more likely to be living with their parents than with a spouse or partner in their own residence.

And one in four millennials say they might not ever marry, a Pew survey found.

Only 8 percent of young adults feel their household’s financial situation is “very good,” and education and economic growth ranked No. 1 and No. 2 as the issues that will most influence their vote, according to the GenForward poll.

“We might be in a ‘good-ish’ finance situation right now as a country, but I was always taught there’s ups and downs in the finance world and with every up, there’s a down. So we should be preparing for that down to come,” said Brien Tillett, who graduated this spring from a high school just miles from the Las Vegas Strip.

Tillett, who turned 18 in July, was 10 when the recession hit and sucked the wind out of his family. His mother, a single parent, was in a car accident that hospitalized her for three months and, with no safety net, the family struggled.

“It was to the point where I would not ask my mother to go hang out with my friends because I didn’t want her to worry about money,” said Tillett, whose brush with insolvency has deeply influenced his views.

The national debt is his No. 1 concern.

As a young black man, he’s turned off by remarks by Donald Trump that he finds racist and xenophobic, but likes Trump’s aggressive stance on the economy.

“We’re trillions of dollars in debt and that should not be happening,” said Tillett, who started running track at a two-year college in August.

He strongly considered voting for Trump, but will now vote for Clinton because Trump has become “a loose cannon.”

Still, he’s angry about Clinton’s use of a private email server when she was secretary of state.

“We have to basically question if we can truly trust her with all of our nation’s secrets,” he said.

Anibal David Cabrera was in high school when Tillett was just a small boy — but he’s part of the same generation.

The son of a Honduran mother and Dominican father, he graduated from college in 2008 as the recession was picking up steam. A finance major, he wanted to work for a hedge fund or bank, but the economic collapse meant jobs had dried up. Eventually Cabrera, now 31 and living in Tampa, Florida, got an accounting job at a small tech firm.

He feels he’s entering the prime of his life a few steps behind where he could have been, through no fault of his own.

A Jeb Bush die-hard in the primaries, he’s now supporting Trump and hopes the business mogul can make good on his promises.

“My biggest hope for the country would be a prosperous economy. That is something my generation has kind of never seen,” Cabrera said. “We never got to experience the rapid growth of the ’80s or the ’90s, and I think my generation would love to see that.”

Shared pain does not lead to shared views among his generation.

Millennial voters’ disdain for traditional party affiliation have made them particularly unpredictable. Half describe themselves as political independents, according to a 2014 Pew Research report — a near-record level of political disaffiliation. As a generation, they tend to be extremely liberal on social questions such as gay marriage, abortion and marijuana legalization. Yet they skew slightly conservative on fiscal policy and are more in line with other generations on gun control and foreign affairs.

Trip Nistico, a recent graduate of the University of Colorado, Boulder’s law school, is an avid supporter of gun rights who goes to shooting ranges but also supports same-sex marriage. The 26-year-old Texas native voted for President Barack Obama in 2008 — his first presidential election — and Mitt Romney in 2012.

“I’m pretty liberal on social issues. I don’t really think that — on a national level — they’re really as important as some of these other issues we’ve been discussing,” he said.

He’s supporting Trump because his preferred candidate, the Libertarian Party’s Gary Johnson, isn’t likely to crack the polls.

Trump remains wildly unpopular among young adults, however, and nearly two-thirds of Americans between the ages of 18 and 30 believe the Republican nominee is racist, according to the GenForward poll. Views of Hillary Clinton also were unfavorable, though not nearly to the same extent.

Many millennials are angry that Democratic challenger Bernie Sanders has withdrawn and are disillusioned with the electoral process.

Forty-two percent of voters under 30 have “hardly any confidence” that the Republican presidential nomination process is fair and 38 percent feel the same about the Democratic process, according to the GenForward poll. The survey was taken before the leak of Democratic National Committee emails that roiled the Democratic Party.

Bill and Kristi Clay, young parents and devout Christians from rural Ohio, offer a portrait of millennials struggling to choose a candidate who matches their values.

They have two sons, 4 and 6, and are adopting a child from the Philippines. They serve meals with their church at inner-city soup kitchens in nearby Columbus and have a mix of political views that, Bill Clay says, comes from following “the lamb, not the donkey or elephant.”

Kristi Clay opposes same-sex marriage and abortion and names those as her top issues this election. Yet the 32-year-old school librarian is still reluctantly leaning toward voting for Clinton. “You have to look at the big picture,” she says.

Bill Clay, meanwhile, shares his wife’s views on the more conservative issues, but they hold what some would consider more liberal views on matters such as immigration.

“If we’re going to try to be Christian-like, and embrace people, I don’t think you can shut the borders to an entire group of people just because of the fear that some of them don’t like us,” said Clay, 33, who voted for Barack Obama in the last two elections but supported Republican Marco Rubio this time.

Yet that strong faith has not helped him find much inspiration in the current candidates, both of whom he sees as self-serving and unwilling to budge on important issues.

“I’m feeling a little pessimistic this year,” he said.

The Clays say they will vote no matter what, but whether their millennial brothers and sisters do the same is an open question.

The millennial vote rose steadily beginning in 2002 and peaked in 2008, with excitement over Obama’s first campaign. In 2012, however, just 45 percent of millennials cast ballots and participation has leveled off or dropped ever since, said John Della Volpe, director of polling at Harvard University’s Institute of Politics.

“They have a somewhat different perspective in terms of politics, “Della Volpe said. “It hasn’t really worked. They haven’t been part of a movement that’s been effective.”

Yet Tillett, the teen in Nevada, exudes youthful idealism as he talks about casting his first vote in a presidential election.

“It means a lot to me personally because I’m making a difference in my life and in the country. My vote does matter,” he said. “It really does.”

Poll: Political parties lacking appeal for young Americans

Most young Americans say the Republican and Democratic parties don’t represent them, a critical data point after a year of ferocious presidential primaries that forced partisans on both sides to confront what — and whom — they stand for.

That’s according to a new GenForward poll that shows the disconnect holds true across racial and ethnic groups, with just 28 percent of young adults overall saying the two major parties do a good job of representing the American people.

The poll shows that despite this across-the-board feeling of disenchantment with the two-party system, the Democratic Party holds a clear advantage in appealing to young people of color.

More than two-thirds of young adults, including vast majorities of young Asian-Americans, Hispanics and blacks, say the Republican Party does not care about people like them.

Democrats fare a bit better among young people overall, with a small majority — 53 percent — saying the party cares about people like them. Among young African-Americans, Hispanics and Asian-Americans, most believe the party does care about people like them.

Among young whites, majorities say both parties don’t care much about them, including 58 percent who say that of the Republican Party and 52 percent who say it about the Democratic Party.

GenForward is a survey by the Black Youth Project at the University of Chicago with the Associated Press-NORC Center for Public Affairs Research.

The first-of-its-kind poll pays special attention to the voices of young adults of color, highlighting how race and ethnicity shape the opinions of a new generation.

The results of the survey of Americans age 18-30 reflect something of an identity crisis for both parties heading into the future, driven in part by deep antipathy toward the presidential candidates they nominated.

Republican Donald Trump and Democrat Hillary Clinton, the two least-popular presidential nominees in the history of modern polling, were opposed by large and bitter swaths of their parties.

Young people aren’t certain to fall in line behind the nominees, the survey found.

Three-quarters of young adults say the billionaire real estate magnate is unqualified to be president even after he vanquished 16 GOP rivals.

Half say the same of Clinton, a former senator and secretary of state, after unlikely rival Bernie Sanders forced her to fight for the nomination for a year.

But for all the disenchantment, young adults across racial and ethnic groups are mostly unfamiliar with their alternatives.

Seven in 10 say they don’t know enough about Libertarian presidential candidate Gary Johnson to have an opinion about him, and nearly 8 in 10 say the same about Green Party candidate Jill Stein.

The 18-30 age group tends not to be a conservative constituency, so the survey contains critical data particularly for Democrats and Clinton, who has said she knows she has “work to do” to appeal to the young people who flocked to Sanders during the primary.

Young people across racial and ethnic groups were more likely to support Sanders than Clinton in their primary battle this spring, and among young Sanders supporters, less than half — 43 percent — say they’ll support Clinton against Trump in the fall election.

Three percent say they’ll support Trump, with the rest saying they’re undecided, will vote for a third-party candidate or will not vote.

The poll of 1,940 adults age 18-30 was conducted July 9-20 using a sample drawn from the probability-based GenForward panel, which is designed to be representative of the U.S. young adult population. The margin of sampling error for all respondents is plus or minus 3.8 percentage points.

The survey was paid for by the Black Youth Project at the University of Chicago, using grants from the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation and the Ford Foundation.

Respondents were first selected randomly using address-based sampling methods, and later interviewed online or by phone.

 

On the web

GenForward polls: http://www.genforwardsurvey.com/

Black Youth Project: http://blackyouthproject.com/

AP-NORC: http://www.apnorc.org/

Wis. delegate informs, inspires young Dems

Wisconsin delegate Jason Rae, at 29 years old, is a seasoned veteran of Democratic National Conventions.

At the Philadelphia convention, his fourth, the Milwaukee man is leading the party’s youth council and mobilizing young voters for Hillary Clinton.

“I’m a lifelong Democrat — born and raised,” said Rae, who is the executive director of the Wisconsin LGBT Chamber of Commerce.

John and Lori Rae early on encouraged their son, who was in kindergarten when he informed them of his political interests and affiliation.

“I told them I wanted to work for Bill Clinton,” Rae recalled during an interview July 27 in the corridor at Wells Fargo Center near the entrance to Section 115, where the Wisconsin delegation is seated.

The Marquette University graduate dates his first political memory to 1996 and “watching the Democratic National Convention in 1996 and Bill Clinton’s speech.”

In that speech in Chicago, Bill Clinton memorably said, “We can only build our bridge to the 21st century if we build it together, and if we’re willing to walk arm-in-arm across that bridge together.”

Rae got on the bridge.

Eight years later, in Boston, he went to the party’s convention to nominate John Kerry.

Each convention is unique to the time, the place, the people and the circumstances, Rae said.

In Boston and Denver, Democrats nominated candidates with the goal of taking back the White House. In Charlotte, Democrats nominated a president they wanted to keep control of the White House. In Philadelphia, they nominated a candidate they want to continue the party’s occupation of the White House.

As a delegate to conventions in Boston, Denver and Charlotte, Rae represented the youth vote and inspired other young people to get involved in party politics.

At the convention in Philadelphia, his task is to inform and inspire young delegates and prepare them for the general election campaign.

“It’s my role. As a DNC member, I chair the youth council,” said Rae, who in 2004 became the youngest person ever elected to the Democratic National Committee.

At night, delegates are spending their time in the Wells Fargo Center arena, listening to speeches.

During the day, delegates are spending their time attending caucus and council meetings at the Pennsylvania Convention Center. Delegates were gathering this week for the LGBT, black, Hispanic, AAPI and women’s caucuses, as well as for the ethnic, Native American council, disability, small business, veterans and military families, labor, faith, rural and youth councils.

At the youth council sessions, Rae is presiding over a variety of discussions and welcoming politicians addressing issues of concern to younger voters and how best to rally for the election on Nov. 8.

“The work is to turn out millennials,” Rae, who also leads programs to teach children about the democratic process, said.

Speakers at youth council meetings talked about reforming Wall Street and the criminal justice system, dealing with the student debt crisis, addressing gun violence, expanding and safeguarding LGBT rights, recruiting young candidates, legalizing marijuana and much more.

Attendees said the evening speeches at the DNC are energizing, but they are learning from youth council panelists how they can build an even bigger voting bloc for Democrats.

Rae acknowledged the strong support Bernie Sanders enjoyed among young voters and the protests continuing throughout the convention, even after Sanders’ speech on July 25 calling for unity.

“There was some disappointment,” Rae said. “It’s a grieving process. But at the end of the day, we are strong. We are uniting. And we are strong.”

Early on July 27, Rae said the highlight of the convention had been the roll call to nominate Clinton. “We made history,” he said.

That was before President Barack Obama’s speech, followed by Obama and Clinton embracing onstage. And that was before Clinton’s speech, set for July 28, accepting the nomination.

Little LGBT lessons: A history and activity book for kids

A new LGBT history from Chicago Review Press is kid-friendly and mom-approved — make that two moms.

Gay & Lesbian History for Kids: The Century-Long Struggle for LGBT Rights is stocked with stories, quotes, photographs and nearly two dozen activities.

LGBT parents will be over-the-rainbow with the book by Jerome Pohlen, a former elementary school science teacher and the author of the well-received Albert Einstein and Relativity for Kids. And so will their kids.

WiG tested the book’s appeal with an informal book club of six: three parents, ages 24–57, and three kids, ages 7–14.

The parents described the book as lively, engaging and informative. The timeline begins in 570 BC, with the death of the Greek poet Sappho and continues through 2015, concluding with the U.S. Supreme Court ruling for marriage equality in all 50 states. The 192 pages contain a condensed but comprehensive narrative about the movement and milestones, legends and the legendary. The story of Harvey Milk is told, but also those of lesser-known historical figures, like Gen. Friedrich Wilhelm von Steuben, who served as George Washington’s chief of staff in the American Revolution.

Chapters include the early history, the birth of a movement in the early 1900s, life in the shadows of the 1940s and 1950s, coming out in the 1960s, mobilizing in the streets in the 1970s, acting up in the 1980s, setbacks and advances in the 1990s, and the milestone achievements of this new century. The book opens with an introduction about “two moms” and concludes with an afterword about “everyday heroes.”

“I think it has something for everyone,” said Chrissy Williams of Madison, a mother of two children. “I learned a few things. Well, actually, I learned a lot.”

The kids focused more on the activities than the histories.

“It didn’t feel like learning at all,” said Williams’ 12-year-old daughter, Amy.

The book guides children through:

• Writing a free verse poem after reading Walt Whitman’s “Song of the Open Road.”

• Inventing a secret language after learning about Oscar Wilde and an era when green carnations and red neckties signaled “family.”

• Singing the blues, with inspiration from the songs of Bessie Smith, Ethel Waters, Ma Rainey and Gladys Bentley.

• Practicing “The Madison” after reading that same-sex couples would be arrested for touching on the dance floor, so they began line dancing instead.

• Designing a flag, after reading about symbolism and the creation of the rainbow Pride flag.

A favorite activity instructed kids to ask adults about boycotts they joined and the results. The kids in WiG’s book club took the activity to another level and agreed to boycott “bad people like Donald Trump,” “kale” and “homework.”

Perhaps the most unusual activity in the book involves conducting an inkblot test, using five sheets of construction paper, a jar of dark poster paint, a pen and a sheet of notebook paper.

Readers learn that, in the 1950s, sex researcher and psychologist Evelyn Hooker gave her subjects the Rorschach Test, seeking clues about how they think by showing them a series of inkblots. Then the kids make and conduct the test — an activity guaranteed to prompt some laughs and occupy them for at least an hour this summer.

Were they or weren’t they? Jerome Pohlen’s LGBT history for kids explores the sexuality of (below, from left) Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, Louisa May Alcott, Herman Melville and Emily Dickinson.
Were they or weren’t they?
Jerome Pohlen’s LGBT history for kids explores the sexuality of (below, from left) Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau, Louisa May Alcott, Herman Melville and Emily Dickinson.

Finalists for kids

The 28th Annual Lambda Literary Awards, also known as Lammys, will be presented June 6.

Finalists in the category for children’s and young adult books include:

Gay and Lesbian History for Kids: The Century-Long Struggle for LGBT Rights by Jerome Pohlen from Chicago Review Press.

About a Girl: A Novel by Sarah McCarry from St. Martin’s Griffin.

Anything Could Happen by Will Walton from Push.

George by Alex Gino from Scholastic Press.

The Marvels by Brian Selznick from Scholastic Press.

More Happy Than Not by Adam Silvera from Soho Teen.

None of the Above by IW Gregorio from Balzer + Bray/ Harper Collins.

Simon vs. The Homo Sapiens Agenda by Becky Albertalli from Balzer + Bray/Harper Collins.

— Lisa Neff

Gay & Lesbian History for Kids offers a condensed, 192-page narrative about the LGBT rights movement, from the early 1900s to the new century. — Photos: Chicago Review Press
Gay & Lesbian History for Kids offers a condensed, 192-page narrative about the LGBT rights movement, from the early 1900s to the new century. — Photos: Chicago Review Press

 

Spike Jonze gives peek at new Viceland channel

The new Viceland cable channel that launches next month will have series with actress Ellen Page exploring gay and lesbian life around the world, actor Michael K. Williams telling about black market economies and celebrity chef Eddie Huang illustrating stories about politics, culture and food.

Filmmaker Spike Jonze, the creative director of Viceland, offered a first peek into the results of last year’s deal between Vice Media and the A&E Networks. Viceland is taking over the H2 network on Feb. 29.

Founded as a punk magazine in Canada in 1994, Vice Media has exploded in influence with a young audience. Vice airs a documentary series on HBO and will be starting a news series on the network later this year, Disney reportedly invested in the company and A&E has given them a channel that’s a mix of hard-edged culture and lifestyle series.

“We’re trying to make a channel that’s personal, that feels like a group of people trying to understand the world we live in,” Jonze said.

Although Viceland will acquire some documentaries and movies, the heart of the channel will be unscripted series that are passion projects for individual filmmakers. They have the irreverent, action-packed style familiar to Vice’s fans, and tell stories from parts of the world not covered heavily by traditional news organizations.

Page’s “Gaycation,” co-produced and co-hosted by Ian Daniel, will likely have the highest profile. Page attracted attention a few months ago for bringing a film crew and questioning Republican presidential candidate Ted Cruz about gay rights while he campaigned at the Iowa state fair. Page and Daniel, who are both gay, meet a masked man in Brazil who proudly talks about killing gays.

“I’m hoping to explore what it means to be LGBT all over the world,” Page said.

Williams’ first episode of “Black Market” explores auto theft in Newark, N.J., the city where he grew up — and was once arrested for stealing a car.

Based on clips screened, “Huang’s World,” from the author of “Fresh Off the Boat,” looks like an edgier version of Anthony Bourdain’s “Parts Unknown” on CNN.

Actress and model Hailey Gates is also making a travelogue show, using the fashion world as a window into issues like women’s rights. Rapper Action Bronson hosts a show, with an unpublishable title, focused on food and music. “Weediquette” looks at the marijuana industry as it becomes legalized in more jurisdictions, “Flophouse” is about communities of young comics across the country and “Noisey” looks at cities through the eyes of musicians like Kendrick Lamar.

While most of Viceland’s shows are produced internally, Jonze said outside companies are also being used. A sketch comedy show from actor Ben Stiller’s production company is in the works, for instance.

Being considered a cultural network — and not news like the programs Vice makes for HBO — takes some of the pressure off Viceland’s leaders, Jonze said.

“We can be completely subjective,” he said. “We don’t have to be objective journalists.” 

Poll: Two-thirds expect Supreme Court to legalize gay marriage nationwide

A new survey finds broad popular support for same-sex marriage in the United States and strong expectations that the U.S. Supreme Court will rule to legalize same-sex marriage nationwide.

The survey finds, overall, that 55 percent of Americans favor allowing gay and lesbian couples to legally marry, while 37 oppose.

Even more Americans — 65 percent — believe the U.S. Supreme Court will rule to legalize same-sex marriage later this month.

The Public Religion Research Institute conducted the survey of 1,009 adults from June 3-7 to measure public opinion on same-sex marriage, the upcoming Supreme Court decision, nondiscrimination laws protecting LGBT Americans, the acceptability of small business owners refusing services on religious grounds and the amount of discrimination faced by LGBT people in the United States.

“As national opinion has shifted toward support for LGBT rights, including among religious Americans, white evangelical Protestants are increasingly becoming an island of opposition amidst a sea of acceptance,” said Dr. Robert P. Jones, CEO of Public Religion Research Institute. “Today, white evangelical support remains below the level of support from a decade ago in the general public, and they are also less likely than other religious groups to acknowledge that LGBT Americans face discrimination.”

The issue of same-sex marriage continues to divide religious Americans. Majorities of religiously unaffiliated Americans, white mainline Protestants and Catholics favor allowing gay and lesbian couples to legally marry.

Conversely, only 29 percent of white evangelical Protestants and 35 percent of non-white Protestants support making same-sex marriage legal. Majorities of white evangelical Protestants and non-white Protestants oppose same-sex marriage.

The poll also showed: More than six in 10 Americans say transgender people and gay and lesbian people face a lot of discrimination in American society.

These numbers are down from February 2014, when roughly seven in 10 Americans said they believed LGT people. Majorities of every faith group except white evangelical Protestants say transgender people face a lot of discrimination: non-white Protestants (53 percent), white mainline Protestants (60 percent), Catholics (68 percent) and the religiously unaffiliated (72 percent). Less than half (49 percent) of white evangelical Protestants believe that transgender people face a lot of discrimination, while 37 percent say that they do not.

“Republicans see the world faced by gay, lesbian and transgender Americans quite differently than Democrats and independents do,” said Daniel Cox, research director of Public Religion Research Institute. “Republicans are far more likely to doubt that LGBT Americans face a lot of discrimination in the United States and are much less likely to support efforts to address it.”

Three quarters of Democrats (75 percent) and 61 percent of independents say that there is a lot of discrimination against transgender people in American society. By contrast, half of Republicans agree and 39 percent say that transgender people do not face a lot of discrimination.

Nearly seven in ten Americans — including 65 percent of Republicans and 60 percent of white evangelical Protestants — favor laws that would protect LGBT people against discrimination in jobs, public accommodations and housing.

In addition, 60 percent of Americans oppose allowing small business owners to refuse service to gay and lesbian people, even if it violates their religious beliefs. This opposition includes 64 percent of Catholics, 63 percent of non-white Protestants and 59 percent of white mainline Protestants.

In contrast, a majority of white evangelical Protestants support allowing small business owners to refuse service to gay and lesbian people on religious grounds.

There also is a significant generation gap on the issues. Young adults, age 18 to 29, are the strongest supporters of same-sex marriage — 72 percent favor legalizing same-sex marriage. Young people are much more likely than older Americans to believe that gay, lesbian and transgender people face a lot of discrimination. Young people are also much more likely than seniors to say they have a close friend or family who is LGBT.

Supporting the Young, Gifted & Black Coalition in Madison

In the aftermath of Paul Heenan’s shooting on Nov. 9, 2012, a group of residents from the Madison community, former and current law enforcement officers, representatives from social service agencies, mental health experts and academics formed a group that called itself the Community Response Team.

We were deeply shaken by the police culture, policy and training that led to the actions taken that night and that continued throughout the year. We worked tirelessly to examine the culture, motives, policies, management, and incentives that led, not only to Paul Heenan’s fatal shooting, but to the damaging and dysfunctional communication from the Madison Police Department to the community after his death.

Two more fatal, officer-involved shootings during the next several months strengthened our drive to identify and address systemic problems within and around the MPD.

Sadly, just over two months into 2015, our community is again grieving the loss of yet another unarmed resident killed at the hands of police. Only this time, state violence has ended the life of young, unarmed Black teenager.

What’s his name?

Tony Terrell Robinson.

Another mother’s child has been taken from her and the pain seems bottomless. We all urgently feel things must change. We must prevent this from happening again.

A bright spot within all of this tragedy is the emergence of the Young, Gifted and Black Coalition, an energized group of youthful thought-leaders who are amplifying the ideas of people from whom we hear least in our community.

These are the voices of LGBTQ, Black, and Brown residents: those touched personally by the criminal justice system, those who have known homelessness, have known food insecurity, have felt the hand of state violence on their necks. These human rights champions are the voices of some of the most impacted — and among those to whom we look for leadership within our community.

The Community Response Team is offering its resources and strong support for the leadership of the Young, Gifted and Black Coalition.

We share their concerns and stand behind them in making their demands. We hope our efforts complement theirs and that together we can move our criminal justice system, our government and our community to higher ground where education, safety, health and prosperity are equitable opportunities for all.

In order to provide this quality of life to all residents, we believe that the MPD must overhaul several policies starting with its policy on how and when to use force. The present standard — individual fear (Graham v. Connor) — cannot be the standard of a professional, democratic police agency. It is far too low.

Until there is actual data to show that officers incur greater injuries or fatalities due to increased restraint, the present standard must be raised and training adjusted accordingly if we are a community committed to the moral idea that Black lives, and indeed all lives, truly matter. Leadership must be proactive and any new system must be carefully monitored in order to be held accountable.

This is what professional police do in a free and democratic society.

This is what our community expects and demands and we will accept nothing less.

We are committed to helping MPD meet this high calling.

Additionally, the following questions and recommendations formulated and delivered to prominent Madison leadership over a year ago remain outstanding and, to our minds, largely unanswered:

•  How will the MPD Chief ensure that the community has an influential role in the organization? By what mechanism or agent will the department receive ongoing input from the community to influence current protocol or policies? The MPD is not a person that needs to be protected. It is moral responsibility of the MPD is to serve and protect the community.

•  Specifically, how will the MPD Chief learn what the community believes should be the moral criteria for the use of deadly force vs. the minimal bar set by the legal criteria? How will the MPD Chief ensure those moral criteria are being met by the department?

•  How will the MPD Chief address the great disparity of arrest rates between our community’s white population and its populations of color, recognizing that it cannot be the natural order of things and that racial profiling leads to corrosive dehumanization and a burdensome overexposure to the criminal justice system in our Black and Brown neighborhoods?

•  How will the department enhance its empathy to see people not as a statistical set of characteristics, but instead, as human beings?

•  How will MPD improve upon crisis intervention training to ensure that the quality of the bulk of the work that officers do in our community gets the highest priority and attention?

•  How will the MPD Chief shape the culture of the MPD to ensure that respect for diversity, both in the workplace and in the community, is a top priority?

•  How will the same culture support the possibility that it takes more courage not to pull the trigger than to pull the trigger in the troublesome deadly force issues that took place in 2012 and 2013, and now again, in 2015? 

•  How will the MPD Chief ensure that MPD officers receive the attention, evaluation and training they need to support them emotionally, as well as physically?

•  How will the department flag problem officers and provide them the help they need before they can become factors in deadly force encounters?

•  How will the MPD Chief ensure that communication between 911 dispatch and police officers happens with the highest possible fidelity, meaning that communication and training between dispatch and other departments – including attendance at briefings – is prioritized? And how will the MPD Chief ensure that effective analysis of system failure happens when mistakes in communication lead to negative outcomes in the field?

•  How will the MPD Chief ensure that the growing influx of military funding, equipment, tactics and former personnel into our department not translate into an increasingly militarized police force? 

In the long run, we believe it is these issues that will define our city — more so than fancy hotels, restaurants or farmers markets could ever do.  Madison, Wisconsin, could be a national, urban model for promoting human rights — but only if it has the moral fiber to do so.

Sincerely, Community Response Team Members


Senate passes bill to help victims of human trafficking

The Senate unanimously passed legislation on April 22 to help the victims of human trafficking, ending a tortuous partisan standoff over abortion that also delayed confirmation of President Barack Obama’s attorney general nominee.

The vote was 99-0 to approve the Justice for Victims of Trafficking Act, which expands law enforcement tools to target sex traffickers and creates a new fund to help victims. The House has passed similar legislation and the White House has voiced support.

“We have not fallen deaf to the cries of those who actually need our help, the victims of human trafficking,” said Sen. John Cornyn, R-Texas, the lead GOP sponsor. “This legislation will be instrumental in helping victims of sexual abuse and trafficking recover from a life in bondage.”

The unanimous outcome put a bipartisan punctuation mark on legislation that started out with wide support from both parties, but veered into a partisan cul-de-sac last month when Democrats said they’d noticed language that could expand federal prohibitions on abortion funding. How or why Democrats had failed to see the provision in the first place became a topic of frosty dispute on Capitol Hill, with Republicans pointing out that the bill had unanimously passed committee, and one Democratic senator’s office acknowledging that an aide had in fact known of the abortion language.

At the same time, Attorney General-designate Loretta Lynch languished despite commanding enough votes to be confirmed, because Republican leaders made the decision, never fully explained, to delay her confirmation vote until the trafficking bill was completed. Now that it is, Lynch will get a vote on April 23 to replace Eric Holder and become the nation’s first black female attorney general.

The partisan gridlock on the trafficking bill and Lynch made no one look good, and with all sides eager for a resolution Cornyn worked with Sens. Patty Murray, D-Wash., and Democratic Leader Harry Reid of Nevada to arrive at a compromise, which they announced on April 21. It addresses Democratic concerns about expanding prohibitions on spending federal funds for abortions, by splitting the new victims’ fund into two pieces.

One part of the fund would be made up of fines paid by sex traffickers, and it could not go for health services, rendering the abortion restrictions moot. The other part of the fund, which could go for medical services, builds on $5 million already appropriated by Congress for Community Health Centers, which are already subject to abortion spending prohibitions. The compromise allowed both sides to claim a win since Republicans ensured any money for health services could not go for abortions, while Democrats could say that they had prevented prohibitions on spending federal money for abortions from being expanded to a new source of money.

“An effort to fight back against human trafficking in our country is, without question, no place for gridlock and dysfunction,” Murray said. “It certainly shouldn’t have taken this long but I’m pleased that we were able to work together, find common ground and reach an agreement.”

With the bill finally greased for passage following announcement of the abortion compromise, Republican leaders staved off one final partisan controversy by persuading conservatives in the caucus to hold back on a handful of immigration-related amendments they wanted to offer. U.S. Sen. Jeff Sessions, R-Ala., said he was urged to pull back an amendment that would have allowed for punishing people for immigrating illegally with their kids or other family members.

“I yielded to higher authorities against my better judgment. … We ended up with no immigration amendments,” Sessions said. “They wanted another bipartisan accomplishment and it wouldn’t have achieved it.”

The amendments that did get attached to the bill passed with little controversy, though one, by Sen. Mark Kirk, R-Ill., drew concerns from at least one advocacy group. The measure would make it illegal for websites or social media sites to “knowingly” sell advertisements for sex services involving minors. A pro-privacy group, the Center for Democracy and Technology, said the measure was so vaguely written that it potentially makes every U.S. company that hosts web content subject to criminal prosecution.

Announced presidential candidate Sen. Ted Cruz, R-Texas, missed the vote.

A colorful account of the birth of modern art in Paris

At the dawn of the 20th century the Parisian district of Montmartre was still largely rural, a hillside village dotted with windmills, vineyards and tumbledown shacks.

There, a ragtag band of young artists, many of them foreigners, gravitated to the district’s cheap studios and galleries to nurture their artistic ambitions and, at night, divert themselves at its seedy bars and cabarets.

Their ranks included the likes of Pablo Picasso, Henri Matisse, Kees van Dongen, Andre Derain, Maurice de Vlaminck, Georges Braque and Amedeo Modigliani, to name just a few, and by now, more than a century on, their stories have been told many times.

In her latest book, “In Montmartre: Picasso, Matisse and the Birth of Modernist Art,” the British writer Sue Roe offers a lively and concise account of their lives during a 10-year period when they struggled to find new ways to express themselves and, in the process, rocked the foundations of Western art. It was a time when beauty itself “was open to redefinition,” Roe writes in a chapter describing Picasso’s momentous first encounter with African art in the Musee du Trocadero.

Like her previous book on the Impressionists, “In Montmartre” is a bit of a group biography, focusing mainly on a half-dozen artists and weaving in details about friends, families and business associates.

While she doesn’t break much new ground, she’s very good at synthesizing and distilling complicated art movements and ideas without getting bogged down in technical details or jargon. And she offers up plenty of juicy tidbits about the artists’ love affairs, infidelities, opium parties and eccentric habits.

Also, Roe gives the women in the story their due, not just the artists but also the models and muses. We get vivid portraits of the American expatriate writer Gertrude Stein, her companion Alice B. Toklas and some lesser-known figures in the Montmartre crowd, including Picasso’s model and lover Fernande Olivier, who wrote memoirs of their life together, and the French painter Marie Laurencin.

Roe’s book is a great introduction to one of the most pivotal periods in 20th century art. Even those familiar with the era will likely find that it broadens their understanding of key players and events. And for art lovers who can’t get enough of this intoxicating decade in Paris on the eve of the First World War, the lengthy bibliography will suggest new avenues for exploration.